ALEGERI CARE ITI SCHIMBA VIATA HAL URBAN PDFALEGERI CARE ITI SCHIMBA VIATA HAL URBAN PDF

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Pute locul in Romania de consultanti de imagine. Pripasi profesionali care vand romanilor ciorba la cutie sau ca-ciorba-la-cutie. Iata cum ar trebui sa arate un consultant care catapulteaza un candidat non-standard peste parapetul sistemului.

It was the end of November, three weeks after Trump’s improbable voata, and Cohn, then still the president of Goldman Sachs, was at Trump Tower presumably at the invitation of Kushner, with whom he was friendly. Cohn was there to offer his views about jobs and the economy. But, like the man he was there to meet, he was at heart a salesman.

On the campaign trail, Trump had spoken often about the importance of investing in infrastructure. Yet the president-elect had apparently failed to appreciate that itl government would need to come up with hundreds of billions of dollars to fund his plans. Cohn, brash and bold, wired to attack any moneymaking opportunity, pitched a fix that would put Wall Street firms at the center: Private-industry partners could help infrastructure get fixed, saving the federal government from going deeper into debt.

The way the moment was captured by the New York Timesamong other publicationsTrump was dumbfounded. Was a trillion-dollar infrastructure plan likely to increase the deficit by a trillion dollars? Confronted by nodding heads, an unhappy president-elect said, “Why did I have to wait to have this guy tell me? Within two weeks, the transition team announced that Cohn would take over as director of the president’s National Economic Council.

Goldman Sachs had been a favorite cudgel for candidate Trump — the symbol of a government that favors Wall Street over its citizenry. Trump proclaimed that Hillary Clinton was in the firm’s pockets, as was Ted Cruz. It was Goldman Sachs that Trump singled out when he railed against a system rigged in favor of the global elite — one that “robbed our working class, stripped our country of wealth, and put money into the pockets of a handful of large corporations and political entities.

Aggressive and schlmba, a former aluminum siding salesman and commodities broker with a nose for making money, Cohn had schjmba Goldman’s sleepy home loan unit into what a Senate staffer called “one of the largest mortgage trading desks in the world. The conflicts between the two men were striking. Cohn ran a giant investment bank with offices in financial capitals around the globe, one deeply committed to a world with few economic borders.

Trump’s nationalist campaign contradicted everything Goldman Sachs and its top executives represented on the global stage. Trump raged against “offshoring” by American companies during the campaign. But Cohn laid out Goldman’s very different view of offshoring at an investor conference in Naples, Florida, in November.

There, Cohn explained unapologetically that Goldman had offshored its back-office staff, including payroll and IT, to Bangalore, India, now home to the firm’s largest office outside New York City: Candidate Trump promised to create millions of new jobs, vowing to be “the greatest jobs president that God ever created. Early in his candidacy, Trump described as “disgusting” Pfizer’s decision to buy a smaller Irish competitor in order to execute a “corporate inversion,” a maneuver in which a U.

The Pfizer deal ultimately fell through. But inin the heat of the campaign, Goldman advised on xchimba megadeal that saw Johnson Controls, a Fortune company based in Milwaukee, buy the Ireland-based Tyco International with the same goal. A few months later, with Goldman’s cars, Johnson Controls had executed its inversion.

Hal Urban – Alegeri care iti schimba viata | Carti | Pinterest | Urban

With Cohn’s appointment, Trump now had three Goldman Sachs alums in top positions inside his administration: Steve Bannon, who was a vice president at Goldman when he left the firm inas chief strategist, and Steve Mnuchin, who had spent 17 years at Goldman, as Treasury secretary.

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And there were more to come. A few weeks later, another Goldman partner, Dina Powell, joined the White House urnan a senior counselor for economic initiatives. Goldman was a longtime client of Jay Clayton, Trump’s choice to chair the Securities and Exchange Commission; Clayton had represented Goldman after the financial crisis, and his wife Gretchen worked there as a wealth management adviser. And there was the brief, colorful tenure of Anthony Scaramucci as White House communications director: Scaramucci had been a vice president at Goldman Ito before leaving to co-found his own investment company.

Even before Scaramucci, Sen. The idea that the president is now going to turn over the country’s economic policy to a senior Goldman executive turns my stomach. Bush at one point had three. At its peak, the Trump administration effectively had six. Earlier this summer, Trump boasted about his team of economic advisers at a rally in Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

He went from massive paydays to peanuts. Trump waved off anyone who might question his decision to rely on the very people he had demonized.

Years of financial disclosure forms confirm that Cohn is aleyeri very rich. Plus, he’d sold a million more Goldman shares over the previous half-dozen years. Cohn never responded to the letter, and if he has ever received alegeir waiver, it has not been made available to the public or the Office of Government Ethics.

Cohn will recuse himself from participating in any matter directly involving his former employer, Goldman Sachs,” White House spokesperson Natalie Strom said. The White House declined requests to make Cohn available for an interview and declined to answer a detailed set of questions. The president had promised to “do a number” on financial reforms implemented after the subprime crisis, including one that threatened to cost Goldman several billion dollars a year in revenues. Under Cohn, the administration has introduced new rules easing initial public offerings — a Goldman Sachs specialty dating back to the start of the last century, when the firm handled the IPOs of Sears, Roebuck; F.

As Trump’s top economic policy adviser, Cohn can exert influence over regulatory agencies that have shaken billions in penalties and settlements out of Goldman Sachs in recent years.

And his former colleagues inside Goldman’s Public Sector and Infrastructure group likely appreciate the Trump administration’s infrastructure plan, which is more or less exactly as Cohn first pitched it inside Trump Tower in November.

In the wake of last month’s white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, Cohn confessed to the Financial Times that he has “come under enormous pressure both to resign and to remain. Or at least a few of them. The Trump economic agenda, it turns out, is largely the Goldman agenda, one with the potential to deliver any number of gifts to the firm that made Cohn colossally rich.

If Cohn stays, it will be to pursue an agenda of aggressive financial deregulation and massive corporate tax cuts — he seeks to slash rates by 57 percent — that would dramatically increase profits for large financial players like Goldman.

It is an agenda as radical in its scope and impact as Bannon’s was.

Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump holds up a copy of his book “The Art of the Deal,” given to him by a fan as he speaks during a campaign stop on Saturday, Nov.

He talks of military schools and visits to construction sites with his father and wrote in “The Art of the Deal” that in the second grade, “I actually gave a teacher a black eye. I punched my music teacher because I didn’t think he knew anything about music and I almost got expelled. An American Journey of Ambition, Ego, Money, and Power” spoke to several of his childhood friends, none of them recalled the incident.

Trump himself crumpled when asked about the incident during the campaign: Gary Cohn, however, is the middle-class kid and self-made millionaire Trump imagines himself to be. It appears that Cohn actually did slug a grade-school teacher in the face. As a child, Cohn struggled with dyslexia, a reading disorder people didn’t understand much about when Cohn attended school in the s in a suburb outside Cleveland. While Trump’s father was a wealthy real estate developer, Cohn’s father was an electrician.

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When Cohn couldn’t find a job after graduating from college, all his father could do was find him one selling aluminum siding. While Trump has the instincts of a reality show producer and an eye for spectacle, Cohn prefers to operate in the shadows.

But they likely recognize much of themselves in the other. Both Cohn and Trump are alpha males — men of action unlikely to be found holed up in an office reading through stacks of policy reports. In fact, neither seems to be much of a reader.

Cohn told Gladwell it would take him roughly six hours to read just 22 pages; he ended his time with the author by wishing him luck on “your book I’m not going to read. Trump switched his voter registration between Democratic, Republican, and independent seven times between and He even bought and refurbished a golf course in Westchester County a few miles from the Clinton home, in part, Trump once admitted, to ingratiate himself with the Clintons.

There are also striking similarities in their business histories. Both have a knack for weathering scandals and setbacks and coming out on top. Trump has filed for bankruptcy four times, started a long list of failed businesses casinos, an airline, a football team, a steak companybut managed, through his best-selling books and highly rated reality TV show, to recast himself as the world’s greatest businessman.

Goldman not only survived but thrived, posting record profits — and Cohn was rewarded with handsome bonuses and a position at the top of the new administration. Cohn’s path to the White House started with a tale of brass and bluster that would make Trump the salesman proud. Still in his 20s and stuck selling aluminum siding, Cohn made a play that would change his life. In the fall ofwhile visiting the company’s home office on Long Island, he stole a day from work and headed to the U.

He overheard an important-looking man say he was heading to LaGuardia Airport; Cohn blurted out that he was headed there, too. He jumped into a cab with the man and, Cohn told Gladwell, who devoted six pages of “David and Goliath” to Cohn’s underdog rise, “I lied all the way to the airport.

Cohn likely knew even less, but he assured his backseat companion that he could get him up to speed.

Cohn then spent the weekend reading and re-reading a book called “Options as a Strategic Investment. Cohn soon learned enough to venture off on his own and established himself as an independent silver trader on the floor of the New York Commodities Exchange. InGoldman Sachs, arguably the most elite firm on Wall Street, offered him a job.

Goldman Sachs was founded in the years just after the American Civil War. Marcus Goldman, a Jewish immigrant from Germany, leased a cellar office next to a coal chute in There, in an office one block from Wall Street, he bought the bad debt of local businesses that needed quick cash. His son-in-law, Samuel Sachs, joined the firm in A generation later, inthe firm made its first mark, arranging for the public sale of shares in Sears, Roebuck.

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Goldman Sachs’s influence over politics hl back at least to That year, Henry Goldman, the founder’s son, was invited to advise Woodrow Wilson’s administration about the creation of a central bank, mandated by the Federal Reserve Act, which had passed the previous year. Goldman Sachs men have played important roles in U.

There was the occasional scandal, such as Goldman Sachs’s role in the collapse of Penn Central railroad, then the largest corporate bankruptcy in U. Still, the firm built a reputation as a sober, elite partnership that served its clients ably. Inwhen John Whitehead, a senior partner and co-chairman, set to paper what he called Goldman’s “Business Principles,” he began with the firm’s most cherished belief: The client’s interests come before all else.